The Straw That Broke the Dragon's Back: A Critical Analysis of the EU Regulation on the Screening of Foreign Direct Investments. How Will the Regulation Influence Chinese FDI In Europe And Does A Regulatory Alternative Exist Within EU Competition Law?

AuthorShane O'Hanlon
PositionRecent BCL (Law and Chinese Studies) graduate of University College Dublin
Pages27-55
(2021) 20 COLR 27
27
THE STRAW THAT BROKE THE DRAGON’S BACK: A CRITICAL ANALYSIS OF
THE EU REGULATION ON THE SCREENING OF FOREIGN DIRECT
INVESTMENTS. HOW WILL THE REGULATION INFLUENCE CHINESE FDI IN
EUROPE AND DOES A REGULATORY ALTERNATIVE EXIST WITHIN EU
COMPETITION LAW?
Shane O’Hanlon*
A INTRODUCTION
Traditionally, the laws and policies of the European Union (EU) have focused on developing
a commercial environment that facilitates foreign investment.1 As such, the free movement of
capital under article 63 of the Treaty on the Functioning of the European Union (TFEU) has
long remained a cornerstone of EU economic law that underpinned these values.2 This
openness has translated directly in shaping the EU’s economic landscape in which Third
Country-Investors control 3% of EU companies and 35% of assets.3 However, the recent
geopolitical onslaught experienced at the hands of Brexit, the Trump presidency and the rise
of China as a global superpower, has led to the steady erosion of the EU’s liberal policy on
foreign investment, giving way to rising economic nationalism. Amongst a cacophony of
protectionist sentiment, no cry has been heard louder than the opposition to economic and
security threats posed by Chinese investment. The growing tensions are perfectly encapsulated
in the European Commission’s (the Commission) recent publication, branding China a
‘systemic rival’ to the EU.4 China’s unique approach to economic policy brings with it a
number of unprecedented legal and political challenges which, if left unaddressed, have the
potential to exploit the EU’s liberal investment regime.
* Shane O’Hanlon is a recent BCL (Law and Chinese Studies) graduate of University College Dublin. He has a
keen interest in Sino-European relations and international business law, having completed an exchange year at
Renmin University of China (󰥂), as well as various legal internships at corporate law firms in
London and Dublin. The Editorial Board are gratefully acknowledged for their helpful suggestions and for
maintaining the highest standards of professionalism in such challenging circumstances.
1 Alison Jones and John Davies, ‘Merger Control and the Public Interest: Balancing EU and National Law in the
Protectionist Debate’ (2014) 10(3) European Competition Journal 453, 458-459.
2 Consolidated Version of the Treaty on the Functioning of the European Union [2012] OJ C326/47, article 63.
3 Commission, ‘Foreign Direct Investment in the EU’ (Commission Staff Working Document) SWD (2019) 108
final, 67.
4 Commission and High Representative of the Union for Foreign Affairs and Security Policy, ‘EU-China - A
Strategic Outlook’ (Communication) JOIN (2019) 5 final, 1.
(2021) 20 COLR 28
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Chinese outbound acquisitions in Europe have grown dramatically in the last 10 years, with
FDI increasing by 50 times from €700 million in 2008 to €35 billion in 2016.5 A key feature
of this surge is that FDI has regularly taken the form of acquisitions by Chinese State-Owned
Enterprises (SOEs) in sensitive or strategically important sectors.6 Therefore, the tactical use
of SOEs in outbound FDI transactions as a staple of Chinese economic policy is a source of
concern for both European leaders and institutions. As the COVID-19 pandemic sets to further
cement China’s position within the global order, it has never been more important for the EU
to develop safeguards against threats posed by Chinese investment, whilst maximising on this
major source of external capital. The solution to this difficult balancing act has been proposed
in the form of the EU Regulation on the Screening of Foreign Direct Investments (FDI
Screening Regulation).7 This EU FDI screening framework is unprecedented and became fully
operational on 11 October 2020.8 In light of these significant developments, this author seeks
to: explore the unique economic and security threats posed by Chinese FDI; analyse the FDI
Regulation, the impact that it will have on Chinese FDI and its overall effectiveness; investigate
the potential for the FDI Regulation to develop into a system of centralised FDI screening; and
determine whether a regulatory alternative exists under the EU Merger Regulation (EUMR).9
B AN OVERVIEW OF CHINESE FDI IN EUROPE
I The Corporate Structure of Chinese SOEs
In the case of mixed-ownership SOEs such as China’s, the government state is the majority
shareholder of the company which also has private-sector shareholders. 10 The Chinese
government has a particularly pervasive role within the structure and governance of these
enterprises. In accordance with article 19 of the Chinese Company Law, there must be a party
5 Thilo Hanemann and Mikko Huotari, ‘EU-China FDI: Working Towards More Reciprocity in Investment
Relations’ (Mercator Institute for Chinese Studies, 2018) 10 <https://merics.org/sites/default/files/2020-
04/180723_MERICS-COFDI-Update_final_0.pdf> accessed 17 March 2021.
6 Frank Bickenbach and Wan-Hsin Liu, ‘Chinese Direct Investment in Europe - Challenges for EU FDI Policy’
(2018) 19(4) CESifo Forum 15.
7 Parliament and Council Regulation (EU) 2019/452 of 19 March 2019 establishing a framework for the screening
of foreign direct investments into the Union [2019] OJ L79I/1.
8 ibid, article 17.
9 Council Regulation (EC) 139/2004 of 20 January 2004 on the control of concentrations between undertakings
(the EC Merger Regulation) [2004] OJ L24/1.
10 Evan B Shaver, ‘Two Paths to Development: Policy Channelling and Listed State-Owned Enterprise
Management in Peru and Colombia’ (2019) 21(4) University of Pennsylvania Journal of Business Law 1006,
1012.

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